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Gago: #nosotras paramos. — Transcript · YTtoTranscript

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Gago: #nosotras paramos.

Heterocronías Feminismos y Epistemologías del Sur · 1,323 words · 7 min read · EN

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Below is the complete, readable transcript of Gago: #nosotras paramos. by Heterocronías Feminismos y Epistemologías del Sur on YouTube. Read the full text, copy any part you need, or generate a transcript for any video with our free tool.

Good evening. In this video, we're going to work on Veronica Gago's article, " #NosotrasParamos: Notes Towards a Political Theory of the Feminist Strike." This article is also included in the text "8M Feminist Constellation," which we've been working on for some time. We selected the articles based on the course's interests, but they're all

very good, very interesting, and contribute a lot. This time, we're going to work on Veronica Gago's article, and what the author points out is that there is no international women's strike without the broader context of Ciudad Juárez. This is a city that, unfortunately, became known for a large number of femicides. So, the author

asks, "Who is being killed in Ciudad Juárez?" A predominance of young, dark-skinned women: students, workers, girls—all economically marginalized. Mona says, "Yes, there is a systemic sexual femicide." It's that women who are economically marginalized are being murdered daily in this city. So, this is a starting point for understanding the March 8th strike. Another important piece of information to consider in order

to recognize its dimension... The reason this strike is that March 8th commemorates the strikers who were killed in the New York textile factory fire. So, look at the two events that are intertwined in this strike: what is commemorated on March 8th and Ciudad Juárez, where this femicide, this large number of femicides, occur

daily. The strike took place in 55 countries, which is why it has a clear international dimension. And, as Verónica says, the geography of Juárez is replicated in every suburban neighborhood, in every shantytown. This implies the composition of a common body, a politics that makes the body of one the body of all. So

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here a notion begins to take shape: the body as territory. The body as territory is then the object of new colonial conquests. When we think of the body, the woman's body, as territory, feminist struggles are connected with the struggles for territorial autonomy. So we see here that there is a connection between women's struggles and other struggles, particularly

those of indigenous peoples. The strike responds precisely with a political action and language. A form of violence against women that aims precisely to annul us politically, so what is achieved by stopping our activities and roles is the constitution of a just counterpower against this femicidal offensive. Levy, or femicidal violence, is fundamentally domestic, but that also

implies labor exploitation, economic violence, state violence, political violence. That is to say, it makes it impossible to characterize these forms of violence as intimate or private. What Ciudad Juárez expands beyond Mexico is that it expresses a political dynamism to escape precisely from that domestic confinement, and that political dynamism is what is exploited by

transnational capital. These young women who are murdered, many of them, feel a desire to leave that domestic sphere; that is, they want to prosper, let's say, in their personal economic situation. This desire is exploited by this capitalist machine, which feeds precisely on that yearning for popular prosperity, and this capitalist machine will become a femicidal machine.

This is what Verónica Grado points out: the international dimension of the strike will give us a global map, she says. which politicizes all these forms of violence against women, and what does this politicization of the strike mean? It's a tool that precisely positions us as political subjects. There have always been attempts to reduce us to

victims, but through the strike, we move from that victimhood to become political subjects. When you are a victim, you need to have faith that the state will provide some solution and you demand redeemers. The strike, on the other hand, makes visible and positions us as political subjects. The strike serves to make visible and value

forms of precarious domestic and migrant work, which are precisely the current forms of exploitation. So, the strike forms an organizational horizon that will precisely redefine what a strike is and will contain all these elements that we have been pointing out. The dimensions that the strike will have are the following, as the author points out: the

strike is a process and not an event. We already saw this in another article. That is to say, it implies a time of organization, conversation, assembly—this framework with oneself. There is a whole process, a path that unfolds; it is not a point of arrival. So, this process does not end with the strike itself, but rather continues. It

produces intersectionality because there is precisely a connection between struggles and different types of struggles against classist, racist, and sexist violence, and it links violence against women and feminized bodies with all forms of labor exploitation. So, labor feminisms— or popular, indigenous, slum-dwelling feminisms—are precisely showing and making visible the precariousness of existence, and all these precarities

are, let's say, linked in these struggles and are articulated in this strike. So here is another element of another dimension that Gago points out, which is that fear is no longer presented as victimization but as a strategic capacity of this notion of body- territory. In Argentina, the strike implied a strong discussion with the

unions that resisted ceding their monopoly on the tool, and as we had already said when analyzing another article, these unions have had a strongly patriarchal tradition, not because the strike had a classical meaning, but precisely when the women's strike takes place, the notion The strike is what is being redefined, and this strike of strikes cannot be conceived

without considering the women of the popular economies who are precisely demanding to be recognized as workers. So we see that the notion of women's strike expands those boundaries of work. The author is then asked why one cannot strike at home, or as a street vendor, or as a prisoner. The strike needs to encompass

all these realities, and she takes up a question from a Madrid collective that had already been posed earlier: "What is your strike?" Because all these strikes have to be articulated in the March 8th strike. So the strike multiplies because there are several strikes in one, and it needs to be created and invented in that very

organizational process. It doesn't have a [Music] something defined or finished, but rather it is dynamic, always in that, in that creation. The grandmother of women has precisely that force that overflows the workplace and becomes a vector of transversality. The author points out that these vectors of transversality connect the spheres of production and reproduction of the status

of work to informal and popular economies. They are politically marginalized, and the fact that many of these strikes are carried out by a large number of women demonstrates an international force. In Argentina specifically, it connects the struggle of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo and the unemployed workers' movement of 2001. So, the women's strike challenges

precisely the boundaries of labor. This innovation is very important because it is precisely what will give a new meaning to the term " women's strike," different from the classical sense of a strike, which was for a specific type of worker. Here, this innovation expands what is considered a worker. The strike is a

process, then, and it links many factors that will qualify it as a living body. Intersectionality will position it precisely as a critique of class hierarchy, sexism, and colonialism. So, what we have here is fundamentally this notion of intersectionality and the expansion of the boundaries of labor, which I think are the two strongest senses, and the idea of the

body as territory. These are the elements that must be kept in mind when we consider the redefinition of the meaning of "strike," when we talk about a women's strike. Well, with this video We've finished the articles we 've selected from 8 dm feminist constellation. Well, see you in future videos. Good night.